Chapter II
By Dr. Ganda Singh

EARLY LIFE OF AHMAD SHAH Ahmad Khan, as Ahmad Shah Durrani was named by his parents, was the second son of Zaman Khan Abdali of the Saddozei clan and was born of Zarghuna Alikozei in 1722 at Multan.^ His father was then the governor of Herat and died within a few months of Ahmad Khan’s birth. The times were not favourable for the family. Zarghuna felt anxious about the safety of her child and sought the protection of Haji Ismail IChan of Alizei clan, the new governor of Herat, by offering him the hand of her daughter. Ismail Khan took a lively interest in Ahmad and sent him towards Sabzawar 1. The exact date of Ahmad Khan’s birth is not known to history. The year 1722, given in the text above, is based on mathematical calcu- lations guided by a few references to his age that we come across in historical works. On the authority of Persian writers, Lockhart in his Nadir Shah gives the age of Ahmad Khan, at the time of Nadir Shah’s conquest of Qandahar in 1738, between 14 and 16 years (p. 120), and at his death in 1747, between 23 and 25 (p. 261). The former figures would place his birth m 1724 which cannot be reconciled with the death of his father, Zaman Khan, which took place between the last week of October, 1722, when the year 1135 AH. began and the last week of December, when (in the winter of 1722-23) his successor Muhammad Khan was seen leading military operations at Mashhad. Even if he were a posthumous child, which does not seem to be correct, he should have been bom by August, 1723. We are, therefore, left with the only alternative of placmg his birth in 1722 by taking his age to be 16 years in 1738 and twenty-five in 1747. As to his birth-place, we know that his father Zaman Khan came to power in 1720 and there is nothing on record to show that he ever visited Multan between 1720 and 1722. As such, the tradition of Ahmad Khan having been bom at Multan, as mentioned in Imam- ud-Din al-Hussaini’s Tartkh’-i-Husain Shahij p. 11, can be correct only on the assumption that, on account of troubled times in Herat, his mother was sent to Multan for child-birth. Mir Ghulam Muham- mad Ghubar, the author of Ahmad Shah Baba-i-Afghan, does not agree with this. Accordmg to him Ahmad Shah was bom at Herat in 1135 AH. (October 1722-September 1723) during the lifetime of his father (pp. 35-41). 10 AHMAD SHAH DUERANI and Farrah How and where he spent his life up to the age of ten, we do not know. We next hear of him in February, 1732, when after the defeat of his brother, Zulfiqar Khan, at Farrah, we find him flying for life and shelter towards Qandahar. There both the brothers were thrown into prison by Mir Husain, the Ghalzei ruler of the place, either for his old tribal enmity against, or for any danger that he then apprehended at the hands of, the Abdalis under Zulfiqar Khan.^ During the next seven years, 1732-38, the Abdali con- tingent of Nadir rendered him yeoman’s service in the exten- sion and consolidation of his power, and he looked upon them as the backbone of his empire. He was particularly pleased with their services during his campaign in Daghistan in 1147 A.H., 1734-35 A.D., and promised on one occasion to grant any boon that they asked of him. The Abdali chiefs, the leading amongst them then being Allahyar Khan Saddozei, sagaciously availed themselves of the offer and begged of him to be restored to their original homes in Afghanistan. They further requested that all the Abdali families exiled to the province of Khurasan in 1732 be sent back to their mother- land, and that Qandahar be released from under the Ghalzeis and given to them. Nadir agreed to grant them their wishes as soon as he was able to establish his power in Qandahar. And he literally fulfilled his promise in 1738.3 NADIR CONQUERS QANDAHAR Concluding a truce with Turkey and thoroughly crush- ing the Bakhtiaris in 1736, Nadir returned to his capital, reaching there on the 9th of Jamadi-us-Sani, 1149 A.H., October 4, 1736. Immediately he began completing arrange- ments for his long-planned campaign against Qandahar. He set out against the Ghalzeis on 17th of Rajjab, 1149 A.H., November 10, 1736. He marched via Kirman and Sistan, and crossing the Sistan-Qandahar border on the 2nd of Shawwal, January 23, 1737, reached Girishk on the 7th of February after passing through Farrah, Dalhak and Dilaram. On the fourth day the camp was pitched close to the west bank of the Arghandab, where they were surprised at night by 2. Saulat-i- Afghani^ 340. 3. Saulat-i^-Afghani, 340-1, fiAELY LIFE l1 Ghalzei generals, Yunus Klian and Saidal Klian, each com- manding 8000 picked horsemen. Abdul Ghani Khan, chief of the Abdalis in the train of Nadir Shah, had, however, heard of the impending attack. He suddenly assailed Yunus Khan before Saidal Khan could come to his assistance. This result- ed in a rout of the Ghalzei who could not retrieve the situation even after the arrival of Saidal Khan’s reinforce- ments. This initial success brought by Abdul Ghani Khan to the arms of Nadir in Qandahar added fresh laurels to the meritorious services of the Abdalis m his cause The siege of Qandahar began in the first week of April, 1737, and con- tinued up to the 2nd of Zilhijja, 1150 A.H., March 12, 1738. During the night of the last date the Persians captured one of the towers and pressed forward. Realizing that all was lost, Mir Husain, according to the Nannwat custom of the Afghans, sent on the following day his elder sister, Zainab, accompanied by a number of Ghalzei chiefs, to seek protec- tion. Nadir respected the custom and granted Husain, his family and his followers, their lives and sent them as prisoners to Mazandran.*^ ABDALIS RETURN TO QANDAHAR AND HERAT Zulfiqar Khan Saddozei and his brother Ahmed Khan, as we know, were then prisoners in Qandahar. Nadir set them at liberty and, because of Haji Ismail Khan Alizei, Ahmed Khan’s brother-in-law, he treated Ahmed Khan with special kindness. He granted him from the imperial treasury a large sum of money for the maintenance of the brothers and settled on them the government of Mazandran. The pro- mise made to the Abdalis in 1147 A.H., during the Daghistan campaign, was also fulfilled. Abdul Ghani Khan Alikozei, the maternal uncle of Ahmed Khan, was appointed governor of the province of Qandahar, and the other Abdali chiefs of Girishk, Bust and Zamindawar. The Abdali tribesmen, exil- ed to the districts of Nishapur, Mashhad and Damghan in Khurasan, were permitted to move en masse to Qandahar and occupy the lands of the Ghalzeis who, in turn, were exiled to Khurasan. Three divisions were made of the other territories of the Ghalzeis. Arghandab was given to the Ali- 4. Jaha7i-?cus7ia-i-]7acZiri, 324-9; SaulaUi- Afghani, 340-44^ 0.3 16 AHMAD SHAH DtJ&RANl kozei tribe of Abdul Ghani Khan, Zamindawar to the Alizeis of Nur Muhammad Khan, and the remaining to the Barak- zeis. Herat was also given to the Abdalis — ^particularly to the Saddozeis, the clan of Ahmad Khan— and they settled down on the western lands which are up to this day occupied by the Durranis.^ AHMAD KHAN ON THE PERSONAL STAFF OF NADIR SHAH When Zulfiqar Khan left for Mazandran and how he con- ducted himself there is not within the scope of our narrative. The commanding personality of his younger brother, Ahmad Khan, then in his sixteenth year, however, appealed more to Nadir Shah and he placed him on his personal staff as a Yasawaly or orderly officer. It was in this capacity — later on rising to the command of a detachment of his tribe — that he accompanied the Persian conqueror on his Indian, Tur- kish and other campaigns and took part in many a brilliant exploit. All this seems to have fired him in later life with exceptional enthusiasm in leading and conducting his own campaigns. He soon distinguished himself by his meritorious services and was raised to the office of the Bank-bashi, ot treasury officer.® Nadir Shah was so much enamoured of him that he occasionally remarked in open court, in the pre- sence of his nobles and courtiers, that he had not met in Iran, Turan and Hindustan any man of such laudable talents as Ahmad Abdah possessed. With three to four thousand brave and seasoned Abdali horsemen under his command, he always kept him near the second gate of the royal tents.’^ PROPHECIES OF NIZAM-UL-MULK AND NADIR SHAH After Nadir’s victory over Emperor Muhammad Shah and his occupation of the Imperial fort of Delhi (9th of Zil- . 5. Jahan^kusha-t^Nadiri, 328-9; Tankh-UHusain ShaU, 9-10; Tartkh^t’-Ahmady 7-8; Tarikh-^i’-SuUani, 121; SaulaUi-^Afghani, .341; Lockhart, Nadir Shah, 120. 6. Khazanah’-i-’Amira, 97; Ma’asir^uUUmra, ii. 719. According to the Gulistan^i^Rahmat, he also became a member of Nadir’s Majlis, P- 145. ’ 7 Tarikh^i^Husain Shahi, 11; Tarikh-i-Ahmad, 9; Guhstan-i^ Rahmat, 145, EAELY LIFE 19 hijja, 1151 A.H., March 9, 1739 A.D.), Ahmad Khan was once seen by Nizam-ul-Mulk Chin Qalich Khan Asafjah, a former prime minister of the empire (then the viceroy of the Deccan) , sit outside the Jali gate near the Diwan-i-Am,® The Nizam-ul-Mulk, who was an expert in physiognomy, saw in him the signs of greatness and predicted that he was des– tined to become a king. Nadir, it is said, had full faith in Nizam-ul-Mulk’s knowledge of face-reading. On this news being accidentally reported to him, he called Ahmad Khan to his presence and, taking out a knife from his belt, clipped his ears saying, “When you become a king, this will remind you of me.’’^ This may be reconciled with an incident, or legend, recorded by many writers. It is related that one day Nadir Shah seated on a golden chair was enjoymg a cool breeze and Ahmad Khan was standing respectfully in front of him. Nadir all at once called out, “Come forward, Ahmad Abdali.” When he drew near, Nadir Shah said, “Come up nearer still.” As he approached nearer respect- fully and humbly, he said to him, “Remember Ahmad Khan Abdali, that after me the kingship shall pass on to you. But you should treat the descendants of Nadir with kindness.” Ahmad Khan submitted, “May I be a sacrifice to you. Should your Majesty wish to slay me, I am at your Majesty’s dis- posal. There is no need (or cause) for saying such words.” Thereupon Nadir repeated, “I know it for certain that you will become a king. Be kind to Nadir’s descendants.” And it may be said on the authority of Mir Imam-ud-Din Husaini, who completed his Tarikh-i-Husain Shahi in November 1798, that Ahmad Shah, as he was called on coming to the throne, faithfully respected these words of Nadir in helping his suc- cessor and grandson, Mirza Shah Rukh. Ahmad’s son Taimur assisted the sons of Shah Rukh in their release from prison and sent them to Mashhad. Out of gratitude, the Mirza offer- 8. According to some writers, followed by MaUeson in his History of Afghanistan, p. 272, Ahmad had also been sent to Mazandaran ^ong with his brother, Zulfiqar Khan, and “had remained [there] until l^e return of Nadir from Hindustan”. But this is not substantiated by facts as we find him in Delhi m the train of Nadir Tankh-i-Ahmad Shahi, 2b; Khazanah’-i-Amira, 97; Ma^asir~ul~Umra, ii, 791. 9. Tarikh^i- Ahmad Shahi, 2b (margin). Cf. Ferrier, 93, and Tankh- i-Sultani, 121, according to which only one of his oars was clipped. 20 AHMAD SHAH DURRANI ed to Taimur the hand of a daughter of his own. ‘‘The same kindly treatment/’ Imam-ud-Din tells us, “is continued by the house of Ahmad Shah towards the descendants of Nadir up to the current year of 1213 MURDER OF NADIR SHAH We next hear of Ahmad Khan at the time of Nadir Shah’s death in 1747. For some time before the tragedy, Nadir betrayed a deranged mind. He suspected his own people and perpetrated cruelties upon them. This brought about rebel- lions all around and he flew into a fit of fury, bordering on insanity. On the 10th of Muharram, 1160 A.H., January 11, 1747, Nadir Shah left Isfahan for Yazd and Kirman, “Wherever he halted, he had many people tortured and put to death and had towers of their heads erected.” After the Nau-roz fes- tival in Kirman, he left for Mashhad, where in April, 1747, he behaved “in an even more brutal and inhuman manner than he had done at Isfahan and Kirman.” At this time came the news of the revolt of his nephew, Ali Quh Khan, in Sistan. This “gave a great impetus to the growing opposition to Nadir’s intolerable tyranny.” The Kurds of Khabushan rose in support of Ali Quli and raided the royal stud-farm at Radkan. Nadir at once set out to punish the offenders and arrived at Fatehabad, two farsakhs from Khabushan, on the night of Sunday, the 11th of Jamadi-us-Sani, June 7-8.^^ The Rev. Pare Louis Bazin, S.J., a Jesuit, who was then in attend- ance upon the Shah, relates that he “seemed to have some presentiment of the evil which was awaiting him at this spot. For some days he had kept in his haram a horse saddled and bridled. He attempted to escape to Kalat. His guards surprised him, pointed out the evils which his flight would entail, proclaimed that they were his faithful servants, that they would fight for him against all his enemies, and that not one of them would abandon him. He then allowed himself 10. TarikJi-i^Husain Shahif 11-12; Tarikh-^i’-Ahmady 9-10. Cf. Tarikh’-i^Sultani^ 121; ^arkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire^ i. 201, 11. Jahan’-husha–i-Nadiri, 460; Lockhart, 259-61. The Waqei gives the date as 13th of Jamadi-ul-Awwal, 1160 A.H., which is not correct. EARLY LIFE 21 to be persuaded and returned. He clearly perceived that for some time a number of plots against his life had been woven. Of all the nobles at his court, Muhammad Quli Khan, his relation, and Salih Khan were the most discontented and the most active. The jfirst was in command of the guards, and the second the superintendent of his household. The latter caused him less fear because his post gave him no authority over the troops, but he dreaded the former, (who was) a man of swift action (expedition ) , esteemed for his bra- very, and (who was) on good terms with his officers. It was on him that suspicion fell. He (Nadir) resolved to forestall him.” ^‘He had in his camp a corps of 4000 Afghans; these foreign troops were entirely devoted to him and hostile to the Per- sians. On the night of the 19-20th Jxme [N.S.] he summoned all their chiefs. T am not satisfied with my guards,’ he said to them. ‘Your loyalty and your courage are known to me. I order you to arrest all their officers tomorrow morning and to place them in irons. Do not spare any one of them if they dare to resist you. It is a question of my personal security and I trust the preservation of my life to you alone.’ ”^2 The commander of these Afghans was Ahmad Khan Ah- dali. He instantly promised to carry out the wishes of his master and retired to prepare his men for the morning’s dread- ful task. Evidently, Nadir meant to massacre his suspected Persian officers. But the fates willed it otherwise. The talk had been overheard by a spy who divulged it to Muhammad ‘Quli Khan, and he, in turn, passed it on to Salih Khan, There was no time to lose. Immediately they held a secret confer- ence and decided upon the only alternative of dealing a death blow to the tyrark himself. At midnight, seventy of the leading chiefs led by Muhammad Quli Klian, Salih Khan, Muhammad Khan Qajar, Musa Beg Afshar and Qoja Beg Gunduzlu set out for Nadir’s tent. Fifty-seven of them drop- ped on the way out of terror. Only Salih Khan and Muham- mad Khan had the courage to enter his tent and grapple witfi him. Salih Khan struck him with his sword and cut o!ff one 12, Bazm, Memoirs, quoted by Lockhart in his Nadir p. 26i. Among the Afghan chiefs then present there were Nur Muhammad Khan Ghaljai and Ahmad Khan Abdali — Ghubar, Ahmad Shah Baba, 83. 22 AHMAD SHAH DUERANI of his hands, and before Nadir could return the attack, Mu- hammad Khan dealt him a deadly blow and cut his head The conspirators wished to keep the news of Nadir’s death a secret from the army till the next morning so that they might take the Afghans and Uzbaks unawares. But Ahmad Klhan had, in the meantime, received a message from Bibi Sahiba (one of Nadir’s widows who, according to Sher Muhammad Khan’s Ansah-i’-Rausa-i’-Dera Ismail Khany belonged to an Afghan tribe) through a maid-servant of the haram. He got his contingent numbering three to four thou- sand Abdalis ready, fuUy armed, for any emergency, and detailed a strong guard for the protection of his master’s seraglio. He would not at first believe that Nadir Shah was really dead. With the dawn of the day, the Abdalis in a body rushed to his tent to see his dead body, and, if possible, to avenge the murder of their fallen master. The Persians were then busy plundering the camp. They attacked the Afghans but the latter hewed their way back through them. Before leaving the royal tent, Ahmad Khan managed to remove the seal of Nadir Shah from his finger, took posses- sion of the Koh-i-noor diamond and other property, and saluted his dead body for the last time. There was all chaos and confusion at this time in the imperial camp. While the Persian Qizzalbashes were engaged in plun- dering the royal property, the other tribes robbed one another and marched away to their homes. Thus, in four hours after dawn, not a trace of the imperial tents and property was to be found there. Ever5d:hing disappeared with the flight of Nadir’s ghost.^^ His head had been immediately sent by Quli 13. Jah(Ln-kusha-i-Nadir% 461; MujmiUut-Tawarikh, 14-19; Shah- nama-i-Ahmadiya, 14; Bayan-i-Waqei, 125-26; Lockhart, Nadir Shah, 261-62. The MujmtUut-Tawarikh gives the name of Nadir’s assassin as Muhammad Beg Qachar 14. Husain Shahi, 13; Tarikh-i-Ahmad, 10-11; MujmiUut-Tawarikh, 19-21; Ansah-i-Rausd-i-Dera Ismail Khan, 8; Tarikh-i-Baluchistan (Kitah, Akhund Muhammad Siddiq), 190, 753. Nadir Shah generally kept the Koh-i-Noor in his personal custody. Tn the matter of attire, his tastes were simple,’ says Lockhart, p 274, “but he developed a love for jewels which he was able fully to satisfy after he had despoiled India.’ He usually wore the Koh-i-Noor on his arm. [Continued on p. 23 EARLY LIFE 23 Khan to his (Nadir’s) nephew, Ali Quli ElhaHj in compliance with whose wishes the headless body was, on the nineth day after the assassination, transferred to Mashhad and there in- terred, on the fifteenth day, in the mausoleum previously erected for that purpose in the Khiaban-i-Bala.^^ [Continued from p. 22 On the authority of the Rev. Pere Bazin and a few others, Lockhart says that the Afghans under Ahmad Khan on their way to Qandahar ‘intercepted and captured a treasure convoy from Nadir’s camp’ and thinks that ‘it must have been on this occasion that Ahmad Khan obtamed possession of the Koh-z-Noor diamond/ {Nadir Shah, p. 263.) This seizure of a treasure convoy by Ahmad Khan on his way to Qandahar seems to be the same as mentioned in Chapter III. (Also see footnote No. 10 of Chapter III ) The convoy was intended for Nadir Shah’s camp and was not coming from Nadiras camp as stated by Lockhart. As such, the question of the Koh-i’-Noor being in the treasure convoy does not arise. Ghulam Muhammad Ghubar tells us m his Ahmad Shah Baha that in recognition and appreciation of Ahmad Khan’s exemplary service in protecting the royal seraglio, Nadir Shah’s queen sent to him on the following morning a number of presents which included the Koh-t-Noor (p. 84). This also is not substantiated by any reliable authority and cannot be accepted as historically true. 15. Bayari’-i^Waqei, p. 126-27. The last remains of Nadir were not allowed to rest in peace for long in this mausoleum at Mashhad. They were exhumed imder the orders of Agha Muhammad Shah Qajar and taken to Tehran, where they were laid under the threshold of his palace, so that “whenever he went abroad, he might trample upon the dust of the great persecutor of himself and his family.”— Lockhart’s Nadir Shah, p. 264.

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